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Selasa, 16 April 2019

Ebook Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity

Ebook Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity

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Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity

Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity


Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity


Ebook Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity

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Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity

Product details

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Audible Audiobook

Listening Length: 5 hours and 57 minutes

Program Type: Audiobook

Version: Unabridged

Publisher: Tantor Audio

Audible.com Release Date: February 12, 2019

Whispersync for Voice: Ready

Language: English, English

ASIN: B07N34JDJ9

Amazon Best Sellers Rank:

This is one of those very important books. It’s also thankfully readable and short. America’s increasingly sorted partisanship is bad for our country. We are increasingly likely to hang out with people who are like us in politics, race, religion, income, etc., and all of this sorting empowers a team-like mindset, that puts us increasingly at odds with those we disagree with. It would be better if we all committed to being a part of crowds we’re not normally inclined to hang out with, so that we could humanize our “other” fellow Americans, but that is a tough sell. Mason does not offer a lot of recommendations for fixing the problem, which is fair if the fixes are unrealistic. Things might just have to get worse before they can get better. Anyway, social psychology offers a powerful explanation for our partisanship. It’s not about the issues; it’s about the feeling of teams, and us-vs-them.

Uncivil Agreement addresses the topic of polarization from the perspective of political psychology. The author advances the view that social identity is more important than opinions on issues as a driver of political behavior in general and polarization in particular.The book is timely because it can help to explain the high levels of political anger that we see around us. The book is convincing in part because it makes intuitive sense (at least to me) but mostly because of the author's clever and careful empirical research. Even a skeptic should find her studies persuasive.We might naturally assume that our political selves are shaped by our interests and our views of policy. The alternative that Mason proposes is that our political selves are shaped by our sense of where we fit in socially.From this alternative perspective, the increase in polarization arises from the fact that people are becoming more certain of where they belong in the social sphere. Our social class structure has become more segregated. Fewer people cross the bridges between status groups defined by location, education level, wealth, race, religiosity, etc.As the social structure solidifies, political antagonism increases. People who are locked into their identity as Democrats only care about seeing Democrats win and Republicans lose. Republicans, too, have come to care more about winning than about issues. I would note that Democrats loved Barack Obama's victories, even though at the state level the party hollowed out while he was President. By the same token, Republicans love Donald Trump's victory, even though it seems to be devastating the party's future.Another trend is an increase in what Mason calls "blind" activism. That is, political activism driven by anger and enthusiasm, rather than by reason and practical considerations.I think that the publisher is wrong to position this as a purely academic book or textbook. It should be of value to the many people who have a general interest in the nature of political behavior. I read the Kindle version of the book, and I found that I had to squint to read the graphs. But it was still very much worth it.Finally, I cannot resist saying that if you like this book, you may also like my own more amateurish effort, The Three Languages of Politics. Although my book is very different in style from Uncivil Agreement, I think that the two books share some of the same underlying psychological outlook.

Lillian Mason has done a rigorous job of taking us into the weeds of partisan politics in America, which is dividing our country, making us toxic toward one another, and making us fight for our tribe rather than fight for our common goal of American health and strength. Her scholarship, statistical data, and data interpretation are topnotch. She shows the widening gap between Republicans and Democrats. Today, Republicans are more white, more wealthy, and more religious than Democrats. Both parties are guilty of partisan politics, excesses, and indulgences that speak more to their tribalism than fair-mindedness.However, Mason tries too hard to be non-partisan in her account because by showing the sins of both the Republicans and Democrats, she implies a moral equivalency that cannot stand. Specifically, as I write we have a president who lies everyday on Twitter and elsewhere, takes babies away from their mothers, pens them in internment camps, and at Helsinki dismissed US Intelligence and sided with Russia. In spite of this president's egregious behavior, he enjoys 90% approval from Republicans and 80% approval from white Evangelicals. Such moral bankruptcy is even called out by conservative operatives like David Frum, Steve Schmidt, and Rick Wilson. Therefore, the sins of Democrats, whether they be economic spending excesses, identity politics, and whatever else, are not a moral equivalence of support for a sociopath president.Mason should have made this non equivalence clear in her book. Secondly, she should have pointed out that Republicans have been dog whistling racism for decades and this culminated into the president we have now. Thirdly, Mason should have made it clear that not all party opposition is unreasonable. It is very reasonable for people on both parties to oppose a liar and a criminal. My guess is that Mason was trying too hard to be non partisan to make this point clear. Perhaps she wrote this book before the criminality unfolded from the White House. I just want to add the full story. I am writing as no Kool-Aid drinker for liberalism. In fact, I find the criticism of the current White House more cogent and convincing from the aforementioned David Frum, Steve Schmidt, and Rick Wilson.

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